Category Archives: NAMO

What Modi wants his BJP team to deliver by 2014

http://www.firstpost.com/politics/what-modi-wants-his-bjp-team-to-deliver-by-2014-897135.html?utm_source=author_widget

by Jun 22, 2013

His staunch supporters in the BJP may be confident of a popular wave in his favour throwing the Congress out of power, but Narendra Modi, a quintessential organiser, is well mindful of the challenges that lie ahead and is already pushing party leaders to focus on various issues.

He may be riding high in surveys and may be the most talked about politician, but Modi knows winning the parliamentary elections requires sound strategy and organisational preparedness. Beyond rhetoric, the BJP so far hasn’t bothered with a coherent plan to defeat the Congress and the Gujarat Chief Minister has cautioned his colleagues not to be “overconfident”, and instead get down to some hard work.

A senior party leader told Firstpost that in the first strategy meet that Modi held with general secretaries earlier this week, there were two issues he focussed on.

The first issue was that the BJP was losing allies and it was important for the party to look for and engage prospective allies in all regions, no matter how big or small. Prospective allies could be AGP in Assam, INLAD in Haryana, TRS in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh and even possibly enticing Yeddyurappa back to the BJP or at least the NDA. The exit of Nitish Kumar and the JD(U) resulted in a psychological blow in the minds of any prospective allies which needs to be amended at the earliest, but isn’t easy presently.

Get me allies: Modi wants more allies for the BJP. Reuters

Get me allies: Modi wants more allies for the BJP. Reuters

The second issue was the party’s shrinking voter base in the country’s most populous state: Uttar Pradesh. The state presents a big challenge to the party and requires a focused strategy and hard work to reclaim support of the social groups that it once enjoyed. Bihar had been a bastion for the BJP and NDA for several years, but given the exit of the JD(U), an organizational regrouping was required. States like Orissa and Haryana, where the BJP once had a prominent presence when it had alliances with regional parties, were wiped out when the party went alone in last elections is also  matter of concern.

Modi, who just took over as the party’s campaign committee, told leaders that while the party may identify some pan-India issues to target the government on, the  internal dynamics and aspirations of each state was different. He pointed out that the party needed to have a seat-wise and state-wise strategy and asked the party’s leaders to start working on them.

For the BJP the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka, Rajasthan and Orissa are key states where it has to make substantive gains if it had to dislodge Congress and emerge victorious. The party’s leader in Uttar Pradesh are optimistic and believe the current situation the state could allow the party to make significant gains, possibly doubling or tripling their tally since the last polls, as long as they had the right strategy and maintained a united front.

“Now since Modi has been projected as our leader, UP could well be the game changer for the BJP”, a senior BJP leader said.

According to the leader, there are three groups of voters in the state Modi could appeal to. For upper caste voters, Modi presents a perfect combination of Hindutva and strong administrative skills. Younger voters could also find appeal in his development oriented leadership. And among the lower castes, except the Yadvas, the psychological pride of electing a Prime Minister from among the OBC community could just evoke the right sentiments in favour of the BJP. In Bihar, former deputy chief minister Sushil Kumar Modi had already set the ball rolling by flaunting Modi’s OBC credentials.

The overt projection of Modi’s backward case is to project him as a combination of “Mandal” (the Mandal commission) and “Kamandal”(a term used to denote Hindutva), the two phenomena that changed political landscape of north India and possibly the nation in last two decades. In this context, his supporters are already toying with the idea of Modi contesting the next Parliamentary elections from UP, preferably from one of the urban seats, Lucknow, Allahabad or Kanpur. The BJP won 58 seats from UP in 1998, but since 1999 parliamentary elections the party’s tally has been on a continuous slide. Modi has his protégé Amit Shah posted as party’s in-charge of UP, and the former Gujarat deputy chief minister will soon begin his UP campaign.

His party believes that Modi’s new status has rattled his rivals, and they point to Nitish Kumar’s statement that no one could become leader of backward classes just because of being born into it. The BJP’s response to Nitish Kumar’s continuous attack on Modi has been varied. One section expressed its concern on the grounds that Modi would be targeted over the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat under his watch, and the fact that no single party might be able to come to power without varied alliances. However, another group in the party believes that after the elections the Modi-led BJP will have such a high seat tally that new allies would naturally gravitate towards the party.

A party leader, who was present in the strategy session with Modi, said the Gujarat Chief Minister was acutely aware that he had to substantially increase on the party’s vote percentage as well as is support base in  south and east India. In the last parliamentary elections the BJP’s vote share reduced to around 18.5 percent, as against Congress’s vote share of around 28.5 percent. The BJP got 116 seats and the Congress got 206. Though the Congress’s gain in vote share was only 2.5 per cent,  it had strong allies.

The BJP had around 26 percent of the votes when it got a high of 182 seats in 1998. It roughly retained that peak in 1999, but at that time it had solid allies in all parts of the country like the DMK, TDP, TMC, BJD JD(U) and there were a total of 24 allies. In Jharkhand and Karnataka the party was a united force. However, presently in both  states the party has since split down the middle.

The BJP now has to count on personal charisma of Modi, perhaps much more than it had to count on Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s when the veteran leader was at peak of his popularity. Modi supporters believe that their leader’s modern day charisma among the urban middle class and rural areas could match the popularity of Indira Gandhi. He may not have physically reached out to the hinterland or even all urban centres, but his reputation as a strong administrator had already reached every household. They are hopeful that a “non-functional corrupt Manmohan Singh regime” at the helm will give them a decisive edge when the electorate has to choose between Modi and Rahul Gandhi.

Uttarakhand: Cong could learn from ‘Rambo’ Modi’s rescue model

http://www.firstpost.com/politics/uttarakhand-cong-could-learn-from-rambo-modis-rescue-model-901315.html

by Jun 24, 2013

The Congress’s response to Narendra Modi’s supposed Rambo act has been two fold – its senior leaders taking to Twitter, issuing statements running him down with whatever vocabulary they could summon; and second, let party vice president Rahul Gandhi, who faced severe criticism from the opposition for his disappearing act at the time of a national calamity, make a grand appearance with mother, Congress president Sonia Gandhi, at the party headquarters in New Delhi to flag off 25 trucks carrying relief material to Uttrakhand. The whole exercise looked more like a Presidential salute at the Republic Day parade rather than a sincere helping hand to the victims of the natural disaster.

Modi may have had an eye on the subsequent political mobilization through his ground zero rescue act. After all, he too is a politician and is undeclared prime ministerial candidate of the main opposition party and has to prove his management skills. But the way he conducted rescue operations for tourists and pilgrims from Gujarat and transported around 15,000 of them to their home has some lessons for his political rivals, particularly for the Congress.

He did not do a Rambo act himself but did some smart thinking. He made good use of the BJP’s organisational machinery at district, mandal (block) and village levels in Uttarakhand and synchronized their activities with that of Gujarat state officials who had descended in good numbers and were camping at different trouble-torn places since 18 June, a day after calamity struck. By the time he landed at Jolly Grant airport in Dehradun on 21 June with a team of officers, a mix of senior and intermediate level officers, he had all the relevant statistics at hand and logistical support in place. It was perhaps the first ever rescue and relief act of its kind where the chief minister of a state camped in another state for three days and evacuated people of his own state without assistance from the host state.

Uttarakhand Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna talks with his Gujarat counterpart Narendra Modi about relief work, in Dehradun on Saturday. PTI

Uttarakhand Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna talks with his Gujarat counterpart Narendra Modi about relief work, in Dehradun on Saturday. PTI

While Uttarakhand Chief Minister Vijay Bahuguna appeared completely at loss and helpless, his Gujarat counterpart won many admirers in the Uttarakhand administration. A senior Uttrakhand state official said, “One cannot stop admiring Modi’s administrative skills and grasp of the situation.”

Modi began his homework immediately after the news of the natural calamity broke. Gujaratis are known to undertake pilgrimages in large numbers and the state government had some rough estimates as to how many of them could be stranded in Uttrakhand. On 18 June, he dispatched Gujarat’s Relief Commissioner and Principal Secretary, PK Parmar, a senior IAS officer, to Dehradun. With him came a small group of IAS, IPS and IFS (Indian Forest Service) officers of Gujarat cadre who belonged to Uttrakhand and knew both the terrain and the people.

By the time Modi came his officials had weighed situation, made an assessment and put some rescue and relief system in place. Modi landed with another group of select officers, qualified and trained in rescue and relief. But it was the BJP’s party machinery down to block level that he galvanized and put to test. It helped the party workers get out of idle negativity mode and do some worthwhile job to be in sync with their leader. Modi camp office at a hotel in Dehradun had all kinds of communication facilities – all his officers had numbers of BJP functionaries of all 190 mandals (blocks) in Uttrakhand and vice versa.

The party workers were informed of all the logistical support that they could get or Gujarat could provide and were tasked to identify Gujarati tourists or pilgrims, coordinate with Relief Commissioner Parmar or other designated officers. An additional DG rank officer, TS Bisht, had been camping at Guptkashi since June 18. In three days that he spent in Uttrakhand, traveling, meeting people, doing reviews and so on, Modi came across as a man in command, fully conversant with every development and requirement as they arose. State party leaders were surprised to see him holding review meetings at 1 am in morning, after finishing with day’s rescue and relief work.

The stranded Gujaratis were provided with food, fuel, transport ranging from Boleros to Innovas to buses and finally Boeings to reach home. Even the chartered plane on which Modi had landed in Dehradun, took off that same night for Ahmedabad carrying 11 rescued pilgrims.

Uttrakhand BJP leader Anil Balooni said, “The Congress should learn to appreciate good works done by our leader and take a lesson or two from the disaster management skills that he displayed. They unfortunately think that their responsibility is over after doing a misguided tweet or making an ill- informed statement against Modiji. His presence gave a new zeal to our party workers.”

Modi’s three-day Uttrakhand mission has now become a matter of political debate. Two Congress chief ministers Prithviraj Chavan and Bhupinder Singh Hooda landed in Dehradun yesterday. The Congress would hope that their presence and trucks flagged off from its New Delhi headquarters would give relief to the affected people in Uttrakhand and restore popular confidence outside.

 

What Modi wants his BJP team to deliver by 2014

What Modi wants his BJP team to deliver by 2014

http://www.firstpost.com/politics/what-modi-wants-his-bjp-team-to-deliver-by-2014-897135.html

by Jun 22, 2013

His staunch supporters in the BJP may be confident of a popular wave in his favour throwing the Congress out of power, but Narendra Modi, a quintessential organiser, is well mindful of the challenges that lie ahead and is already pushing party leaders to focus on various issues.

He may be riding high in surveys and may be the most talked about politician, but Modi knows winning the parliamentary elections requires sound strategy and organisational preparedness. Beyond rhetoric, the BJP so far hasn’t bothered with a coherent plan to defeat the Congress and the Gujarat Chief Minister has cautioned his colleagues not to be “overconfident”, and instead get down to some hard work.

A senior party leader told Firstpost that in the first strategy meet that Modi held with general secretaries earlier this week, there were two issues he focussed on.

The first issue was that the BJP was losing allies and it was important for the party to look for and engage prospective allies in all regions, no matter how big or small. Prospective allies could be AGP in Assam, INLAD in Haryana, TRS in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh and even possibly enticing Yeddyurappa back to the BJP or at least the NDA. The exit of Nitish Kumar and the JD(U) resulted in a psychological blow in the minds of any prospective allies which needs to be amended at the earliest, but isn’t easy presently.

Get me allies: Modi wants more allies for the BJP. Reuters

Get me allies: Modi wants more allies for the BJP. Reuters

The second issue was the party’s shrinking voter base in the country’s most populous state: Uttar Pradesh. The state presents a big challenge to the party and requires a focused strategy and hard work to reclaim support of the social groups that it once enjoyed. Bihar had been a bastion for the BJP and NDA for several years, but given the exit of the JD(U), an organizational regrouping was required. States like Orissa and Haryana, where the BJP once had a prominent presence when it had alliances with regional parties, were wiped out when the party went alone in last elections is also  matter of concern.

Modi, who just took over as the party’s campaign committee, told leaders that while the party may identify some pan-India issues to target the government on, the  internal dynamics and aspirations of each state was different. He pointed out that the party needed to have a seat-wise and state-wise strategy and asked the party’s leaders to start working on them.

For the BJP the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Karnataka, Rajasthan and Orissa are key states where it has to make substantive gains if it had to dislodge Congress and emerge victorious. The party’s leader in Uttar Pradesh are optimistic and believe the current situation the state could allow the party to make significant gains, possibly doubling or tripling their tally since the last polls, as long as they had the right strategy and maintained a united front.

“Now since Modi has been projected as our leader, UP could well be the game changer for the BJP”, a senior BJP leader said.

According to the leader, there are three groups of voters in the state Modi could appeal to. For upper caste voters, Modi presents a perfect combination of Hindutva and strong administrative skills. Younger voters could also find appeal in his development oriented leadership. And among the lower castes, except the Yadvas, the psychological pride of electing a Prime Minister from among the OBC community could just evoke the right sentiments in favour of the BJP. In Bihar, former deputy chief minister Sushil Kumar Modi had already set the ball rolling by flaunting Modi’s OBC credentials.

The overt projection of Modi’s backward case is to project him as a combination of “Mandal” (the Mandal commission) and “Kamandal”(a term used to denote Hindutva), the two phenomena that changed political landscape of north India and possibly the nation in last two decades. In this context, his supporters are already toying with the idea of Modi contesting the next Parliamentary elections from UP, preferably from one of the urban seats, Lucknow, Allahabad or Kanpur. The BJP won 58 seats from UP in 1998, but since 1999 parliamentary elections the party’s tally has been on a continuous slide. Modi has his protégé Amit Shah posted as party’s in-charge of UP, and the former Gujarat deputy chief minister will soon begin his UP campaign.

His party believes that Modi’s new status has rattled his rivals, and they point to Nitish Kumar’s statement that no one could become leader of backward classes just because of being born into it. The BJP’s response to Nitish Kumar’s continuous attack on Modi has been varied. One section expressed its concern on the grounds that Modi would be targeted over the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat under his watch, and the fact that no single party might be able to come to power without varied alliances. However, another group in the party believes that after the elections the Modi-led BJP will have such a high seat tally that new allies would naturally gravitate towards the party.

A party leader, who was present in the strategy session with Modi, said the Gujarat Chief Minister was acutely aware that he had to substantially increase on the party’s vote percentage as well as is support base in  south and east India. In the last parliamentary elections the BJP’s vote share reduced to around 18.5 percent, as against Congress’s vote share of around 28.5 percent. The BJP got 116 seats and the Congress got 206. Though the Congress’s gain in vote share was only 2.5 per cent,  it had strong allies.

The BJP had around 26 percent of the votes when it got a high of 182 seats in 1998. It roughly retained that peak in 1999, but at that time it had solid allies in all parts of the country like the DMK, TDP, TMC, BJD JD(U) and there were a total of 24 allies. In Jharkhand and Karnataka the party was a united force. However, presently in both  states the party has since split down the middle.

The BJP now has to count on personal charisma of Modi, perhaps much more than it had to count on Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s when the veteran leader was at peak of his popularity. Modi supporters believe that their leader’s modern day charisma among the urban middle class and rural areas could match the popularity of Indira Gandhi. He may not have physically reached out to the hinterland or even all urban centres, but his reputation as a strong administrator had already reached every household. They are hopeful that a “non-functional corrupt Manmohan Singh regime” at the helm will give them a decisive edge when the electorate has to choose between Modi and Rahul Gandhi.

After Modiphobia, Congress now suffers from secularosis

http://www.niticentral.com/2013/06/19/after-modiphobia-congress-now-suffers-from-secularosis-92327.html

By Ankit Grover on June 19, 2013

After Modiphobia, Congress now suffers from secularosisWhat does it take to prove the ‘secular credentials’ of a certain individual. Is secularism an absolute or a relative term? Is secularism decided by thoughts and actions, or is it certified by an overarching authority?

In the Indian political context at least, in both cases, the latter appears to be the case.

Most recently, the definition of secularism — subject to much revision — is defined by one man: Narendra Modi. Already, having identified him as the greatest threat to their fortress, the UPA has been doing all it can to supress the tidal wave of Modi coming at them, albeit with little success. BJP leaders have aptly termed this fear as ‘Modiphobia’.

The ruling party, devoid of any secular credentials itself, has been gleefully handing out certificates of secularism to those it deems fit. Especially to those who try and step up to Modi.

No sooner did Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar announce his party’s breakaway from the NDA, a certificate was hastily prepared by the PMO for the country’s newest secular leader. Instant headlines were made, and talks of a prospective partnership between ‘like-minded secular parties’ were aplenty. Once branded secular by the Congress, one is absolved of all his sins, and more importantly, is free to do business with the UPA.

But really — what gives the Congress any credibility to decide whether a leader/party is secular or communal? This question remains, pitifully, unanswered. Plainly and simply, the Congress sees itself as the self-proclaimed voice of secularism and has tried to posit itself as the ultimate authority. Its ‘impeccable’ reputation cannot possibly be tarnished, even after having overseen most of the the country’s deadliest riots since independence.

Secularism was one of the founding principles of the Indian state, but it has been shamefully and annoyingly exploited, politicised and misconstrued by the Congress; so much so that it has become a disease — secularosis.

Modi’s Gujarat model gets Rs 59000 cr from Planning Commission

https://www.niticentral.com/2013/06/18/planning-commission-approves-rs-59000-cr-for-gujarat-91689.html

By Niticentral Staff on June 18, 2013

 

 

Planning Commission approves Rs 59000 cr for Gujarat

Planning Commission on Tuesday granted a plan size of Rs 59,000 crore to Gujarat for this fiscal as compared to the proposed Rs 58,500 crore. This is 15.7 per cent more than the outlay for 2012-13.

Addressing reporters after securing the plan size, Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi said Gujarat is making a crucial contribution in India’s growth. About the plan, he pointed that 42 per cent allotment has been made to the social sector. He affirmed that Gujarat’s motto is Sabka saath, sabka vikas (All together, growth for all) and that the Government wants to ensure that the underprivileged and the marginalised sections of society get the fruits of the  development.

Modi said that space and speed of State’s development is sustainable. “Gujarat is committed to apply planned development as a meaningful, relevant and effective process towards faster inclusive growth. The 42 per cent allocation earmarked in the annual plan for social sector will benefit the backward sections of the society,” he said.

Deputy Chairperson of the Planning Commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia said that Gujarat is one of the fastest growing States. Ahluwalia said, “Planning Commission feels Gujarat is a capable State, therefore, it has approved Rs 59,000 crore plan for Gujarat as compared to proposed Rs 58,500 crore sought.” “Gujarat is one of our better performing States. In terms of economic growth we have noted that the performance has been good in Gujarat,” he said.

In the meeting with the Planning Commission members, the Gujarat Chief Minister apprised that the State Government has taken new initiatives and implemented newer technology-driven approach to ensure that the meaning of growth is translated into the lives of people. He further emphasised that improving HDI and inclusive growth, promoting better governance, empowering youth and women and ensuring active participation of people in governance remain major priorities.

Planning Commission office became a fortress ahead of Gujarat Chief Minister’s visit.

Gujarat, widely known as the growth engine of India, has shown a high growth trajectory by achieving an average of 10.24 per cent growth rate from 2002-2012, which is highest among large States in India. Gujarat has also registered an increase of 13.8 per cent in the per capita income for 2011-12, which has been estimated at Rs. 89,668 as against Rs. 78,802 in 2010-11, at current prices. Agriculture, despite all challenges, has been a major success indicator in the State with 11.11 per cent growth rate during the decade 2001-02 to 2011-12.

Gujarat Government’s development vision is guided by continued emphasis on improving Human Development Index. Keeping to its determination that growth must advance hand in hand with human development, Gujarat’s annual plan allocation for social services sector for the current fiscal is proposed at Rs 24,586 crores, more than 42 per cent, which includes education, health, drinking water supply, housing and welfare of Backward Classes, women and child empowerment.


Planning Commission sanctions 59k crore for Gujarat

 

 

Muslims are safer, more prosperous in NaMo’s Gujarat

http://www.niticentral.com/

By Kiran Kumar S on June 18, 2013

Muslims are safer, more prosperous in NaMo's Gujarat

The loudest and the most oft-chanted pseudo-secular hymn in India is that Narendra Modi is communal and anti-Muslim. Even those with no basic depth in politics or current affairs just go around repeating this as it has been made famous via Goebbels principle. It essentially involves repeating a lie again and again so often that people tend to believe it as the truth. Congress and many other parties have invested so much into this hymn that it is almost impossible for the victims of that mindless Goebbels attack to believe that Modi is actually a truly secular leader. Yes, I used the word secular here meaning a true panth-nirapeksh person, not quote unquote ‘secular’ meaning ‘deseperate-for-minority-votebank and anti-Hindu’ politician.

So how exactly is Narendra Modi NOT anti-Muslim, as you were made to believe for a decade by the Goebbels practitioners in India?

To start with, the votes

In 2012 election, 31 per cent of the Muslims in Gujarat voted for Narendra Modi. By the 2013 by-election, Modi had done a clean sweep of 6 out of 6 seats that were held by Congress. Could he have done it without the local Muslims’ support? Similarly, Gujarat has 8 Muslim-majority MLA seats. Six of them were won by the BJP. Can anyone think that was possible without active Muslim electoral support for Modi’s team?

Gujarat’s Muslims reject victimhood

Communal harmony

The fact is that during the past six decades of well-documented history of independent India, the ONLY communal riot-free 10-year-period in Gujarat was under Narendra Modi’s rule! No self-professed secular will ever highlight that incredibly important point on social and communal harmony.

Circling back to the six major communal riots that Gujarat has seen since independence, Congress was directly or via allies in power during 1969, 1987, 1989, 1990 (except for a few months) and 1992 riots. Crores of rupees worth of property of Muslims were looted. Thousands of Muslims were killed in those riots. Forget charge sheets, even no FIRs exist on records today. But for 2002 riots under BJP Government, more than 200 Hindus were arrested and 150 are serving life sentences. See the difference? Do you still think Modi’s Government is anti-Muslim while the previous ones were pro-Muslim?

Literacy higher among Gujarati Muslims, says Governor

And for those who parade the 2002 riots as ‘anti-Muslim’ BJP state policy, did you ever question the 1964 Bihar, 1969 Gujarat (Ahmedabad), 1980 UP (Moradabad), 1983 Assam (Nellie), 1989 Bihar (Bhagalpur) or 1993 Maharashtra (Mumbai) riots? All these unfortunately had more Muslim deaths than the 2002 Gujarat riot. All these happened under Congress Governments! Still BJP is ‘anti-Muslim’?

Who can forget the dastardly 1984 Sikh slaughter in Delhi? The then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi brushed off the huge death toll around his home in the Capital, with the infamous ‘big tree falls’ shameful speech. Why did no Human Rights Group ever speak against that Congress leader?


Modi defines secularism as ‘India First’


Popular minority names speak out

Actor Salman Khan’s father Salim Khan once asked: “Mumbai 1993 was no less violent than Gujarat 2002. Can you tell which party’s Chief Minister was ruling Maharashtra then?”

Gujarat’s Maulana Vastanvi observed: “The community that benefited most from Modi’s inclusive development, is that of Gujarati Muslims.”

Maulana Mahmood Madani of Jamiat Ulema e Hind: “Compared to the other States, Muslims in Gujarat are much happier.”

Maharashtra’s ex IGP SM Mushrif told to Milli Gazette paper: “Today the most safe place for Muslims is Gujarat.”

Kerala’s VV Augustine, member of National Minority Commission: “I have travelled across States. In Gujarat, there are rich Muslims and poor Muslims. The economic status of poor Muslims in Gujarat has improved the most (during BJP rule). How can I deny that?”

Modi has won over Gujarati Muslim hearts

What they don’t tell you about Gujarati muslims

During the Sabarmati Riverfront Project, 13,000 families got displaced. 68 per cent of them were actually Muslim. But every one of them was provided with an apartment as promised. Modi did not discriminate based on religion when rehabilitating the citizens.

Gujarat’s Haj quota is 3500. But by now, 41,000 applications are already in place. Traditionally, people go to Haj only when they can afford it themselves (not via loans). This shows how Gujarati Muslims have become financially well off.

Muslims best off in Gujarat: Just look at the statistics!

Muslims form less than 10 per cent of Gujarat’s population. But 18 per cent of the RTO registration of new two wheelers are by Muslims. Their four-wheeler registration also is higher than their proportion in the overall population. 12 per cent of the police in Gujarat are Muslims. 10 per cent of the Government jobs held by Muslims. If Muslims were discriminated against during the 11 years of BJP rule, would all these have been possible?

In summary, Gujarati Muslims are more well off financially and much safer in 2013, than they have ever been in their history since 1947. It is futile to keep falling victim to ‘secular’ Goebbels propaganda that Narendra Modi is anti-Muslim.

Reference: The above points and numbers are translated excerpts from an outstanding article by DG Lakshman that appeared in the Hosa Digantha Kannada newspaper on Monday. All the facts and figures are taken exactly as is, except one small change of using 1989 for Bihar instead of 1980. All credits to the original research and publishing by DG Lakshman. You can find the full article and author’s contact information here: hosadigantha